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missa pange lingua language

 

28/02/2021

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Georg Rhau does not speak for every Lutheran, but he was an influential music publisher working in Wittenberg alongside Luther, Melanchthon and their students. An English translation and discussion of the letter is in 69–148, esp. Editor: Anastassia Rakitianskaia (submitted 2019-06-03). Photo: Author, Whereas multiple Lutheran communities owned Missae tredecim exemplars, there is no direct evidence that the figure most central to the Lutheran movement – Martin Luther himself – possessed a copy of the publication. Schwerin als Residenzstadt im 16. Saec. 105 Kirkman, A., The Cultural Life of the Early Polyphonic Mass: Medieval Context to Modern Revival (Cambridge, 2010), p. 6 Scaramella 12. Gustavson (p. 747) suggests Lutheran Saxony as a provenance for this collection of music books due to a handwritten reference to Elector Augustus of Saxony in a Novum et insigne opus musicum exemplar from Scheurleer’s collection. 49/50 und 51 in der Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig (Leipzig, 1977), pp. 24r); A-Gu, MSS 114 (fol. Paper booklet and insert are clean and complete. J. M. Raich (Mainz, 1902), 392–393 The first stanza is essentially a summary of the hymn itself and the Christian salvation narrative. For further discussion of Maximilian’s tendency to leave projects unfinished, see Google Scholar, at 24–5. RISM sigla are provided for printed sources. Please use the dropdown buttons to set your preferred options, or use the checkbox to accept the defaults. Wackernagel, Philipp, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des XVII. gr. Language; Watch; Edit (Redirected from ... the Missa Pange lingua. On Hus, see Josquin’s Missa Pange Lingua is his last known mass setting. 82 66 36 See Sherr, ‘Speculations on Repertory, Performance Practice, and Ceremony in the Papal Chapel in the Early Sixteenth Century’, in B. Janz (ed. Roper, L., Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet (London, 2016), esp. 102 Zeeden, E. W., Faith and Act: The Survival of Medieval Ceremonies in the Lutheran Reformation, trans. NJE 4 3 (français) Pange lingua : Messe. Abeille musique] , [DL 2012] … 43, Table 2 For more on how sources of Renaissance music were used for different purposes, see 750–1) suggests a provenance of Saxony or Anhalt, but currently nothing definite is known about the partbooks until they reached the university library at Halle. Renaissance composers were fond of balance … A copy of the work landed in the hands of a printer and, as a result, it could finally be distributed throughout Europe – twenty-five years after Petrucci’s third Josquin mass anthology. Google Scholar. Mass Ordinary settings in RegB C 100. Ann McKee, Elsie, ‘Reforming Popular Piety in Sixteenth-Century Strasbourg: Katharina Schütz Zell and her Hymnbook’, Studies in Reformed Theology and History, 2/4 (Fall 1994), esp. Nieß, P., Die Ronneburg: Eine Fürstlich Ysenburgische Burg und ihre Baugeschichte (Braubach am Rhein, 1936), p. 115 We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Text is written into the final Agnus Dei in the copies from Kassel, Vienna, and RegB C 62a. He organised the hymns according to the liturgical calendar with pieces from the Proper of the Time followed by the Proper of the Saints. 83 Jeffrey Dean estimates that Gellandi copied the Missa Pange lingua into VatS 16 between 1515 and 1516 with the title added c. 1517–19; see J. Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Table 9 Two versions of the German Pange lingua from the 1527 Erfurt Enchiridion. Moser, H. J., ‘Eine Musikaliendruckerei auf einer deutschen Ritterburg’, Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 17 (1935), pp. Missa Pange Lingua: 2. It is one of seven single prints of four-voice Mass Ordinary settings held today in a bound volume at the Hochschul- und Landesbibliothek RheinMain in Wiesbaden.Footnote Carolus G. Bretschneider and H. E. Bindseil (Halle an der Saale, 1834), col. 719 R. Gerber, Das Erbe deutscher Musik, 21, 25 (Lippstadt, 1961). In the coming decades, other Lutheran communities removed Corpus Christi from their liturgical calendars as they established worship practices.Footnote vii and 18. 166–180 105–6. Google Scholar. 96 198–9). Google Scholar. 310–12) suggests that the Novum et insigne opus musicum volumes were printed in runs of 500; also see chapter 4 of 940/41 der Proske-Bibliothek zu Regensburg, Music in Early Lutheranism: Shaping the Tradition (1524–1672), Reforming Popular Piety in Sixteenth-Century Strasbourg: Katharina Schütz Zell and her Hymnbook, Eine Musikaliendruckerei auf einer deutschen Ritterburg, Die Ronneburg: Eine Fürstlich Ysenburgische Burg und ihre Baugeschichte, Eine unbekannte Ausgabe der Confessio Augustana vom Jahre 1557, Animals Disguised as Symbols in Renaissance Art, The History, Principles, and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art, Jan Hus: Religious Reform and Social Revolution in Bohemia, The Swan-knight Legend: Its Background, Early Development, and Treatment in the German Poems, Parts with Words and without Words: The Evidence for Multiple Texts in Fifteenth-Century Masses, Studies in the Performance of Late-Medieval Music, The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development, Music and Medieval Manuscripts: Paleography and Performance, Worship Wars in Early Lutheranism: Choir, Congregation, and Three Centuries of Conflict, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des XVII. Kirchenordnungen were legal documents that contain information on a variety of topics pertinent to a town or church that recently broke away from Rome, such as tenets of basic governance, the organisation and curriculum of schools, special rites such as baptism and marriage, and the structure of liturgical services. 6 For more on the Confessio Augustana edition, see Evidence of Aquinas’s use of the Fortunatus Pange lingua as a melodic and textual model is found in the manuscript Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 107 Dietrich and Baumgartner recognised the need for traditional liturgical music and used their leadership positions to mount a restoration of Latin polyphony in Nuremberg. A revised Kirchenordnung for Mecklenburg ordered by Duke Johann Albrecht indicated the Ordinary texts could be performed in Latin, German or both (EK 5, pp. Given Ratzeberger’s account, it is tempting to imagine Luther himself correcting the misspelling of ‘tollis’ and adding La Rue’s name in the Missae tredecim exemplar from the Electoral Library in Wittenberg (now held in Jena). 46 27 The idea of a joyful feast dedicated to the Eucharist, as opposed to the sombre commemoration of the Last Supper on Holy Thursday, spread throughout Europe, and in 1389 Pope Urban VI placed Corpus Christi on the same level as Christmas, Easter, Pentecost and the Assumption by granting indulgences and suspending interdicts on the feast day.Footnote MISSA PANGE LINGUA: SATB, A CAPPELLA (LATIN LANGUAGE EDITION) (KALMUS EDITION) (LATIN EDITION) By Des Josquin Prez *Excellent Condition*. Harmonia mundi France , 1986 (P) Missa Pange lingua. In the commentary on the Occo Codex edition, van Benthem does not mention RosU 49 at all in his discussion of the Missa Pange lingua transmission, so it is possible that he mistakenly switched the two sources. Moreover, any demand for a printed edition of the Missa Pange lingua (and the other twelve masses) had already been met. Wright, C., ‘Dufay’s Motet Balsamus et munda cera and the Papal Ceremony of the Agnus Dei’, in J. Haines and R. Rosenfeld (eds. Download Missa Pange Lingua: Sanctus song on Gaana.com and listen Josquin & Allegri: Masses Missa Pange Lingua: Sanctus song offline. Reign of Leo X (1513-1521); putatively the oldest source in existence. and continue singing the hymn text and melody for their own devotional and pedagogical purposes, but the hymn acquired further problematic contextual overtones when fused with the text of the Mass Ordinary. Given that Sacrorum hymnorum was published three years before Bicinia gallica, Rhau probably held this attitude towards similar pieces with controversial liturgical and theological topics found in these other publications, although presenting the pieces as contrafacta as he did in Bicinia gallica masks their original identities and associated liturgical functions.Footnote However, while the three Fugger partbooks from Vienna do not contain any markings, the tenor partbook has a completely different cover and contains a few editorial markings, which indicates that it existed separately from the other three for a period of time and was used in some sort of performance context. 62 50 The Catholic and Lutheran confessions both subscribe to the belief that bread and wine are transformed into the Body and Blood of Christ during the celebration of the Eucharist. Elsa later discovers that the swan is actually her brother Gottfried, who was transformed into a swan by a sorceress and is eventually changed back into a human.Footnote Breslau, Strassburg, Zwickau, Wittenberg, Rostock, Leipzig, Magdeburg, Lübeck, Parchim, Hamburg and Wesel were among the cities to print their own Enchiridion hymnals; Herl, Worship Wars, p. 96. Missa … This wording conveys that the bread and wine underwent a miraculous change rather than being a mere symbol, but does not specify what that miracle is or how the change happens. 114 269r); D-W Cod. Published online by Cambridge University Press:  54. Google Scholar; 21 The church leaders there chose to ‘hide’ or ‘conceal’ the Host rather than process with it through town, as was customary in German communities on Corpus Christi. 38 All the early Missa Pange lingua sources on this table are considered complete (and therefore suitable for liturgical use) except for two: ChiN C25, which contains two sections of the Gloria arranged for lute, and VienNB 18832, a collection of duet sections that contains the Pleni sunt and Agnus II sections of the mass. 105 2 Qt 31. According to Herl (Worship Wars, p. 92), Hergott actually used an Erfurt hymnal published in 1524 (RISM 15245) as a model for his Enchiridion. Pange lingua and other items from the Corpus Christi liturgy like the sequence Lauda Sion became the music performed during the various processions with the Host and Benediction services.Footnote 564–615 Ambros, A. W., Geschichte der Musik, v, ed. Veit Dietrich was almost certainly involved with the production of Novum et insigne opus musicum in some capacity, as he received a copy immediately after publication and presented it to his deacons at St. Sebald.Footnote Since it is impossible that Buechmaier did not have access to sections of his own compositions, it stands to reason that at least some of the omissions in RegB C 100 as well as other Lutheran manuscripts were deliberate choices made by the copyists and not the result of lacking access to complete copying exemplars of these masses. In some instances, Lutherans may have abbreviated the Latin Creed if it directly preceded the performance of the entire German Creed. See Fidelis Butsch, Catalog einer Sammlung seltener Notendrucke des XVI. "shouldUseHypothesis": true, und XVII. RegB C 62a and the Paris Missae tredecim can only be traced to the nineteenth century, while the history of the tenor partbook held in Vienna is even more enigmatic. The Missa Pange lingua was probably not performed at all from MunBS 510 because the choirbook was never finished. Current scholarship accepts Pange lingua as being the work of Aquinas. Moreover, Ott seems to have consulted manuscripts rather than printed exemplars when editing Missae tredecim, which could account for the lack of a direct relationship due to inevitable variants that occur as a result of the transfer from manuscript to print.Footnote Don't show me this message again. Anton Bruckner - Pange lingua et tantum ergo.jpg 4,357 × 3,352; 4.82 MB. 74–5. 84 The Pange lingua hymn itself is also intrinsically Catholic: Thomas Aquinas (1225–74) used the incipit and melody of an earlier hymn by Venantius Fortunatus (c. 535–610) to create a Vespers hymn for Corpus Christi.Footnote My Library. Lohse, B., Martin Luther’s Theology: Its Historical and Systematic Development, trans. Transposed into C minor to fit the vocal ranges of a standard SATB choir better. 42 He marketed his prints to Lutherans and would have avoided controversial statements and musical material that conflicted with the views of his colleagues. Google Scholar.The other ‘Catholic’ exemplar is held at the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna. Enchiridion (Erfurt: Maler, 1527), fol. 35 Van Benthem names Missae tredecim as the model for LeipU 49/50, RegB C 100 and RosU 71/3 in his critical commentary for the online edition of the Occo Codex repertory. 90 Likewise, in the online Occo Codex edition, Theodor Dumitrescu postulates that the print descended from an earlier source because it shares variants with JenaU 21 and MunBS 510, despite being ‘slightly edited’. Preview. Among the many legends and symbolism concerning swans in classical and medieval animal lore, the most likely symbolic connection between the swans and the Missa Pange lingua comes from German folklore.Footnote Despite the theological differences and Lutheran abolition of Corpus Christi, this should not surprise us. CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 48. CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Although they suppressed the Eucharistic rituals during which Pange lingua was sung, they circulated both Latin and German versions of the hymn. 97 108 70 See also ), The Treasury of Petrus Alamire, p. 22. Josquin’s Missa Pange Lingua is his last known mass setting. SATB Choir and Piano sheet music book by Josquin des Prez (1440-1521): Chester Music at Sheet Music Plus. For instance, the teachings of several Protestant leaders on the evils of idolatry resulted in acts of iconoclasm throughout Europe.Footnote It should also be noted that the extant Rostock 71 partbooks were copied by the same scribe who also copied other manuscripts that Kongsted identifies as having belonged to Duke Johann Albrecht. In the Jena Missae tredecim exemplar, there are a few sporadic markings, most of which appear to be editorial rather than performance-based. Sixteenth-century Christians had access to the Catholic context of Pange lingua via processions, and those who could afford printed books also had access to Pange lingua within a Lutheran context through the Enchiridion hymnals. Moreover, there is an established link between a Missae tredecim copy and all three of these manuscripts and their compilers. 7 1–9; as cited in Duffy, ‘The Jena Choirbooks’, pp. Jewel case is lightly rubbed. ), Josquin and the Sublime: Proceedings from the International Josquin Symposium at Roosevelt Academy Middelburg, 12–15 July 2009 (Turnhout, 2011), pp. ; and 91 and 92c) that Buechmaier could have consulted. Shop and Buy Missa Pange Lingua sheet music. It is considered as one of the finest examples of a ‘paraphrase mass’, with much of its melodic material drawn from the source hymn in a tightly knit, formal and elegant structure. Much less is known about the musical and liturgical scene at Frederick’s court, but his secretary Georg Spalatin recorded that Frederick heard Mass almost every day and took his Hofkapelle on at least some of his journeys.Footnote It may have been easy for Lutherans to silence the context of Pange lingua (Corpus Christi, Eucharistic processions, etc.) Missa Pange lingua, a classical music Album by Ensemble Clément Janequin / Ensemble Organum / Marcel Pérès. 24 Sound digital. ), Lutheran Churches in Early Modern Europe (Farnham, 2012)Google Scholar. 41–95 Although a Mass Ordinary matches the ‘Kyrie’ catalogue description of the sixth partbook set, it is entirely possible that the two extant 71/3 partbooks correspond with the third catalogue entry and the Preface responses described in this entry were lost at some point. Earlier scholarship on BudOS MS 8 focused on Isaac’s Mass Propers contained therein and proposed a date (after 1555) and provenance (Bavaria) based on the Nuremberg Choralis Constantinus print without considering the circulation of the Mass Propers in the Saxon region, where Stöckel studied; see K. Huncik, ‘A Liturgical-Repertorial Study of 16th-Century Polyphonic Music in Bártfa MS 8’ (MA thesis, University of Ottawa, 2005), pp. For both marketing and diplomatic purposes, it was in his best interest to present Missae tredecim as a neutral product in terms of confession.Footnote For texts and … more than a rudimentary knowledge of music’. Kellman, H. [2] Bruckner heard his work only twenty years later. (ed. Ibid., pp. It is considered as one of the finest examples of a ‘paraphrase mass’, with much of its melodic material drawn from the source hymn in a tightly knit, formal and elegant structure. Around the year 1840, the Regensburg cleric Carl Proske (1794–1861) purchased at least one, if not two Missae tredecim copies from the Augsburg bookseller Fidelis Butsch that are currently held at the Regensburg Bischöfliche Zentralbibliothek.

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